by the Strathink Editorial Team

In this week’s Addis Fortune, an extremely well written and thought provoking article argues for increased engagement with Eritrea. Without debating the merits of this argument here, the Strathink Editorial team would like to direct our readers to one of the comments lined to the article, presumably from an Eritrean. The comment, referring to the article’s portrayal of Eritrean President Isayas Afewerki as “unpredictable, unstable and untrustworthy,” reads “What our leader does to our country is none of your business. If he is a dictator, he is our dictator not yours.”

Therein lies the problem for Eritreans worldwide. The current political culture of Eritreans allows no room for criticizing their president or their government. It is a culture of defensiveness, false pride and intolerance of dissent.

Why? We offer a number of explanations. First, Eritreans are afraid. Eritreans are afraid to express any kind of criticism against their president or their government because of the spying and surveillance system in Eritrea and in the diaspora. We quote here the full text of the U.N. Report of the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea (2015).

Surveillance of the population in violation of the right to privacy

27. Through its extensive spying and surveillance system targeting individuals within the country and in the diaspora, the Government engages in the systematic violation of the right to privacy. It employs all means, including harassment, intimidation and the abusive use of a coupon system originally created to allow access to subsidized goods in government shops, to collect information about Eritreans. Pervasive spying and surveillance in Eritrea go beyond the needs of national security or crime prevention and are arbitrary.
28. As a result of this mass surveillance, Eritreans live in constant fear that their conduct is or may be monitored by security agents, and that information gathered may be used against them leading to arbitrary arrest, detention, torture, disappearance or death. They therefore engage in self-censorship with regard to most aspects of their lives. They do so because it is impossible for an individual to know what activities may be considered “deviant” and sanctionable at a specific moment in time and what the consequences for such activities might then be. The existence of such a pervasive control system generates a general climate of fear and mistrust in communities and even within families. In the words of one witness, “When I am in Eritrea, I feel that I cannot even think because I am afraid that people can read my thoughts and I am scared.” The end result is a severe curtailment of the exercise of all other rights and freedoms.

The reach of the Eritrean government’s spying and surveillance is chilling. It is hard to imagine not trusting even family members to protect your right of privacy and freedom of speech in your own home. Outside the family, Eritreans are especially afraid because even the appearance or perception of criticism can bring unwanted attention and severe consequences. Hence, it is understandable that Eritreans are reluctant to express themselves freely.

Second, Eritreans are stuck in the past glory of their struggle for independence. The mythology that has emerged following independence has now outgrown the reality. This mythology has grown so powerful that even Eritrea’s defeat by Ethiopia in 2000 was not accepted by Eritreans as fact. Although every country creates a kind of national mythology in its story and symbols, the Eritrean mythology has become unhealthy.

Third, Eritreans are stuck in a self-defeating quagmire of blaming Ethiopia for all of its problems. This detracts from the real problems that plague Eritrea. It is a contradiction that the Eritrean mythology conflates the nation way beyond the tragic reality of Eritrea today and, at the same time, identifies itself only in relation to Ethiopia.

Eritrea’s political culture has simply not evolved for the past twenty years. With the President’s current health crisis and the prospect for change likely, the need for transformation is acute. How will Eritrea advance with a political culture based on lies, secrecy and blame?

We understand the fear Eritreans have of the security apparatus at home and abroad that is so pervasive that, as quoted by one Eritrean in the U.N. report, he is afraid people can read his thoughts. What can be done, then, to start developing a healthier political culture based on honesty and openness in such a climate of fear?

Eritreans can begin by refusing to be bullied by the regime’s propagandists. One such propagandist, Sophia Tesfamariam, is especially odious. Her rants and accusations against Eritreans who question the regime are loathsome. Calling a gentle Catholic priest from the Irob, “the killer priest” for advocating on behind of his people cannot be erased from Sophia Tesfamariam long list of slander and misdeeds. She has no boundaries in her attacks against her own people. For years she sang the praises of Ali Abdu, former Minister of Communication who subsequently defected to Australia, writing “

“Ali Abdu was not a real Eritrean nor a real Tegadalay. He was just a radio operator from Shire, Tigray who came with the Woyanies but stayed behind as a gift from Meles to Isaias. We have also an evidence that shows that he was a Canadian and CIA agent along with his wife.”

She quickly erased this posting from her Facebook after harsh criticism from fellow Eritreans. This shows that, despite the constraints on Eritreans to express themselves freely, public pressure works. Her public shaming had an impact.

We can write reams of pages about Sophia’s malicious diatribes. How many Eritreans has she publicly insulted and threatened just because they shrugged off the pressure of conforming to Eritrea’s false mythology?

We have one question for Ms. Tesfamariam? Why is she living in the United States and not Eritrea? While she enjoys the benefits of living in a country enshrined with the principles of free speech and association, millions of Eritreans are being held hostage by one man’s fear of the truth.

We suggest that Ms. Tesfamariam go home and live the life of an ordinary Eritrean. If she believes in the regime, she should commit herself to authenticity instead of the pretense of support.

We conclude this editorial by re-visiting the comment from an Eritrean in Addis Fortune saying, “If he is a dictator, he is our dictator not yours.” This comment speaks volumes about Eritrea’s political culture.